On November 23, 2010 members of the Smolensk CPE (Center to Combat Extrimism) arrested a wife of Sergey Fomchenkov, Taisiya Osipova, who lives there with their five-year daughter Katrina. Sergei Fomchenkov is a member of the executive committee of the newly formed party “Other Russia”. He is responsible for preparing the documents for the registration of the party and for their submission to the Justice Ministry.

Taisiya Osipova is at the Smolensk court

Arrest

Operatives broke into a private home of Taisia. During the search, in a chest with child’s belongings they supposedly discover the “5 parcels with gray-white matter and a labeled 500-ruble note”. The witnesses of the search, who were brought by the operatives, did not interfere in the search, thus allowing to implement a planned provocation. The witnesses were probably not random, but specially selected safe people. Operatives openly told Osipova that what really interests them is Sergei Fomchenkov, while stressing that if Osipova will be “compliant” than she will avoid criminal punishment, but otherwise, they said, “your daughter will grow up without you “. In addition, the same day another search took place in the house of Fomchenkov’s mother.

The criminal case was filed on October 16, 2010 under Article 228 of the Criminal Code, with prison term from 5 to 12 years. The lead case investigators of the Center is to Combat Extremism are from Smolensk, however this case is accompanied by members of the same Centre from Moscow. The initiation of proceedings was made possible a witness testament. The name of the witness is being kept secret.

According to the Committee for the Civil Rights Commissioner for Human Rights in the Smolensk region, the Commissioner for Children’s Rights of the Smolensk region, the Director of the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia, the Prosecutor of the Smolensk region:
“As to the” information “, which initiated the prosecution of this woman, unfortunately neither the public nor the prosecutor’s office nor the Commissioner can reliably determine Osipova’s involvement in drug trafficking. The charge is based solely on intelligence and legal proceedings of the “top secret” witnesses. It is extremely difficult to defend against the charges, which were built on the testimony of such persons. The names of informers and information about their identity are not disclosed, but the investigative and legal actions are carried out with them. It is impossible for a defense attorney to prove that the defendant has never spoken with this citizen, never met him. On the other hand, “secret” informants may be “useful” for tampering with evidence. For law enforcement officers who wish to implement the illegal actions, it is enough to receive the implicating information from the “right” witness. It is very likely that this is the case with Osipova’s arrest.”

Action in support of political prisoner Taisiya Osipova

Hypoglycemia

Taisia suffers from pancreatitis and diabetes. On the night of December 17 she suffered a bout of hypoglycemia. Hypoglycemia is a condition close to a coma that develops in patients with diabetes with a sharp drop in blood sugar levels, characterized by the development of seizures resembling epileptic seizures. Under normal conditions patients with hypoglycemia are admitted to hospital immediately. Taisiya continued to be in an ordinary cell of the Smolensk prison. Medical personnel in the prison are there only from 09:00 to 18:00.”There is still no possibility for normal treatment for Taisia. In addition to expired pills that lower blood sugar levels, which were brought by the prison nurse at her own risk, no attempts were made to even examine Taisia”- said Sergey Fomchenko.

Relatives and friends of Taisia have every reason to fear for her life. We remember the horrible and tragic death of Sergei Magnitsky, who was tortured in prison for refusing to deal with the investigation. We have every reason to believe that in the case of Taisia ​​Osipova the same scenario is possible. But we are confident in our power to prevent the next murder.

After the case went public, the expired pills for Taisia were replaced with the pills with valid expiration date. Also, her family was allowed to purchase a portable apparatus to measure glucose levels in the blood. But Taisia is still under pressure. She is being transferred from cell to cell: in five days, she changed three chambers.

Taisia ​​has suffered several more bouts of acute hypoglycemia, but there is no initiative to transfer her to a prison hospital or to give her a normal medical examination. Instead the authorities forced Taisia to sign a paper that claims that the conditions of detention are fair.

The investigator Ivanov SA, meanwhile, reported that after pretrial investigation stage the Taisia will be charged with an article 3.228 of the Criminal Court. This part implies a punishement from 8 to 20 years in prison.

Katrina

Leo the Fucknut, the President of VOINA; Katrina, the daughter of Taisiya Osipova; Vor and Kasper. Photo of Vladimir Telegin from the project “Children of prisoners of Russia”

In addition to the above charges, both Taisia Osipova and her husband Sergei Fomchenkov are being investigated by the officials with the aim to remove their parental rights over their daughter, Katrina. The removal of parental rights has no legitimate reason, and should be perceived as way to put pressure on Fomchenkov in connection to his political and civil activities.

On December 27, 2011 at 10:00 in the city of Smolensk, Zadneprovski court a defense hearing will take place in the criminal case of an opposition activist and political prisoner Taisia ​​Osipova.

VOINA asks you to attend the last hearing of the criminal case and to distribute information about the criminal case against Taisiya ​​Osipova!

Your desire and ability to speak, write and display information about the court hearing of the case Taisia ​​Osipova are more important than ever!

Accreditation for the meeting:
Leninsky District Court in the city of Smolensk
214 001, Smolensk;
Gagarin Avenue, 46
tel. (4812) 20-21-11, 20-21-54

Support site for Taisia ​​Osipova: www.spasem.org

Philip Kostenko in his 10th day of hunger strike

St. Petersburg activist Philip Kostenko, who has been on a hunger strike since December 6th to protest his 15-day jail sentence, was sentenced today to 15 more days in jail.

Philip was initially arrested on December 6th for participating in a peaceful rally against electoral fraud. His first jail term expired yesterday, December 21st. However, instead of being released, he was taken straight to a police station, where he was detained on new charges. The court hearing on those charges was scheduled for today.

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What happened?  Why are you wanted even though quite recently the court imposed a fine and closed the case?

It goes without saying there were no fines. The cases were 100% clear-cut; Voina has the best defense in the country.  Two of my administrative cases were closed on the 24 and 26 August, but not because they issued me a fine, but because we won both cases in court.

After the events of March 31st, three cases were brought against me; two administrative and one criminal.  The administrative one was according to article 19.2 part 1 (disobedience and resistance to the demands of the police) and 20.2 part 2 (taking part in illegal rallies). On April 1st I escaped from the police van that was transporting me to court. I escaped because I had to feed Kasper, who is breast-feeding, and hadn’t had milk for a whole day.  After this, the cops worked it so the proceedings ran on without me. They deliberately avoided including my address in the arrest report, so I didn’t get the summons, which was sent who knows where. The court then convicted me of both charges in absentia.  When we found out about this, and the deception became apparent, we set to work seriously.

My defence lawyer, Sergey Petryakov, filed two appeals to the court of my place of residence. Both charges were evidently groundless, because according to the Russian Constitution, the kind of event that the opposition holds on the 31st of each month does not require a permit. The law only requires the organizers to notify the authorities.  At the appeal hearing, the Balakovskiy district court of the Saratov region came to the conclusion that my rights to a defence had been violated. Consequently, the judge ended the administrative action against me. The decision is final and cannot be appealed by the police.  

Voina’s lawyer Dima Dinze also helped me in my defence and I regard this as our collective civil victory. If this happened to every detained or arrested activist everywhere after the 31st of each month, then the opposition as a whole would be able to influence the situation with a unified strength. So, opposition, again read carefully what I am talking about.

And now here’s my funny criminal case.  A group of eight investigators from the Investigation Committee of the Russian Federation (ICRF), who are in charge of all of Voina’s criminal cases, brought this case against me. On 31 March they deliberately detained me. The riot police who detained me were receiving orders from a Center E operative, Andrey Aleshin.  He also took part in the search of the flat in Moscow on 15 November where we were staying and where Oleg and Lenya were arrested.  Aleshin along with his boss Omarov beat Oleg, who was lying handcuffed on the floor, kicked him in the kidneys and in the head in front of our son Kasper. From the beginningof this new criminal investigation, and as is the case with all the illegal actions of Center ‘E’ employees and ICRF investigators against us, their personal anger towards Voina and their desire for revenge were apparent. From a legal point of view such lack of impartiality is unacceptable.  I am accused, according with article 319 of the criminal code, of insulting the authorities, specifically (this is where it starts to get funny) of urinating on the police on 31 March.  Because of this, they put me on a wanted list.  And this is absolutely outlandish for Russia, to be wanted across the country for article 319; a charge that doesn’t even warrant imprisonment!  It’s as exclusively Russian as vodka, matryoshka dolls and constructivism. I proudly hold here a Russian brand, and in fact, hiding underground like this, I am fulfilling the government order for the cultural revival of Russia!  I am wanted, despite my lawyer and I not receiving a summons, nor being called for questioning, nor seeing any notification of criminal investigation.  Dinze confirms that, “Rud’, the leading investigator of the ICRF, said that Koza is on a wanted list.  The reason for this is not clear, as no notification of proceedings or a summons arrived.”

Is it true that you are charged with pouring urine on a police officer?

Yes, it’s the urine case.  I am suspected of pouring urine on a member of the OMON (riot police).  After this, they took offence and felt that my actions should fall under article 319 of the criminal code.  The result is as yet unknown, but it promises to be interesting.

What has changed in your life since you are on the federal wanted list?

Nothing.  Protest actions are what changes life, not the hiss of the snake-in-the-grass police.  I have always had the same way of life as now.  That is safety in all aspects of life, first and foremost.  A federal search tracks the movement of people across the country when you use your identity documents.  But that doesn’t apply to me.  On 15 November 2010, during the Center ‘E’ search all my documents were taken illegally, my internal and international passports, medical insurance policy, driving licence and ID for the physics faculty of Moscow State University.  So I’ve been living without any sort of documentation for about ten months already.  In Russia, the sun doesn’t rise without a passport.

Do you go outside at all, or do you lie low?

Lying low in our case doesn’t mean not going out in the street.  We have so much to do, which nobody does if we’re not there.  Now our preparations are going at full pace; we are practising twice a day.  

This will be a new kind of Russian art - an action of wonder.  So, we don’t have time to lie low.  A new ‘Voina’ (war) is coming, for which Center ‘E’ is completely unprepared.

Do you have any plans to finally flee somewhere abroad away from all this madness?

No. Our task is to raise a bold Russian youth.  There’s nowhere to run from that.

Activist Ravil:

Read this interview fully.  Voina is the ideal example of how a person should be in the face of the system.

Koza is on a federal wanted list for non-imprisonable article 319 of the Russian criminal code, which itself is a legal novelty; the cops in their thick and blind revenge; the prosecution of Voina does not have the smallest association with legality.  They drive themselves into a corner, and expose the faults and flaws of a system which they faithfully serve and, in plain view, and they ridicule it.  Indeed, what do you think the correct procedure is for proving that a police officer was doused with urine on March 31st? What kind of expert opinion could confirm this?

Voina’s contribution to the Russian Revolution and Russian art is in revealing the flaws of the system and ridiculing them.  And if we, thanks to Voina, can laugh at the system then already it becomes less fearful.  In this way, Voina’s art frees us from fear.

In the morning of February 1st, 2011 activists in Barnaul conducted a graffiti action entitled “Do you really want friends like these?”. According to the activists, the action “mocked the Russian political elite and equated them with parasites”. Despite this being a peaceful protests, the action was followed by arrests. The three activists Vitaly Leonov, Sergey Sandin and Daniil Malishkin were detained by Center E (anti-extremism police) operatives. Their apartments were searched illegally (the police presented warrants that didn’t have a single stamp on them), their personal possessions, computers and all electronic media were seized. The activists were denied sleep, food and water while being questioned non-stop at the police station. The police are pressuring them to “confess everything” and testify against their comrades. The activists are facing charges under article 213 p. 2 of the Criminal Code (“Hooliganism motivated by political hatred, committed as part of a conspiracy”).

Voina members have unanimously decided to transfer 50,000 RUB (1,800 $) to support the activists in Barnaul. The funds will come from the money collected by Banksy in support of Voina while Oleg Vorotnikov and Leonid Nikolaev were in prison.

More details about the case, as well as the account numbers for donations, can be found here (scroll down for the English version).

Free Voina will be following the case.

Today (April 16th) Kozlenok and Leonid Nikolaev were questioned in regards to the March 31st events. The questioning, which took place at the Investigations Committee building at 44 Ligovsky Avenue, lasted from 12:30 AM to late evening. Oleg Vorotnikov also showed up for questioning around 7 PM. Upon his arrival, one of the detectives notified a squad of Center E (anti-extremism) operatives who were waiting nearby. Oleg narrowly managed to get away.

Kozlenok’s account:

Oleg showed up at the Investigations Committee to give a statement on the March 31 situation when the police physically abused him and Kasper. One of the investigators notified Center E via a text message. Oleg managed to get away a minute before Center E agent Trifan arrived on the scene.

After that, the investigator entered the room where I was being questioned and told me, in the presence of attorney Dinze, that unless Oleg returned immediately, he would sign a warrant to get Oleg arrested on Monday. He also said that even if Oleg didn’t show up for Monday’s questioning, he’d get arrested anyway.

I’m currently trying to find Oleg, Leonid and Kasper. I’m unable to get in touch with them. Also, I was followed by three plainclothes agents. They disappeared when I waved my photo camera in front of them.

Leonid’s account:

As far as I understand, it was Dinze who convinced Oleg to appear for questioning. When Oleg showed up he went to see Dinze, who told the prosecutor, “Here, I’ve got you Vorotnikov”. The prosecutor replied, “Ok, we’ll question him”. I was writing down my objections to the questioning report at that time. Oleg was sitting in front of me. Suddenly the prosecutor started typing up some text messages.

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Dmitri Dinze:

Today (April 6th, 2011) Leonid Nikolaev’s administrative case under article 19.3 was heard in district court No. 199. Nikolaev showed up for the hearing. Also present were three witnesses who were ready to testify his innocence. Before they could be questioned however, I (acting as Leonid’s legal representative) appealed to the judge to have the case heard in Nikolaev’s city of residence, that is, Moscow. The appeal was granted. Several journalists had shown up to cover the hearing. As soon as the hearing was called off, Nikolaev and I walked out of the courtroom into the hallway, at which point the journalists told us that a group of at least 3 men had arrived at the courthouse. They said the men had been asking questions regarding Nikolaev’s presence in court. After court officers told them that Nikolaev was inside the courthouse, the men positioned themselves at the building exit and were now waiting for the hearing to end. I warned Leonid to have someone carry his personal belongings, lest he should have them all taken away in the case of arrest. Leonid then removed a black bag and a photo camera from his knapsack and passed them to one of the men who had been accompanying him for protection. Having prepared their photo equipment, the journalists began to move towards the exit.

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The events of March 31st, circa 6:30 PM
 
There was a certain cold logic about the way the police acted that day. Note that baby Kasper and myself weren’t assaulted until after the minivan in which Kozlenok, Leonid and our comrades were being held had driven off. As soon as it had left, a direct order was given to arrest me, there was a finger pointed at me. The following words can be heard in the video: “Detain the baby. Detain him” (me, that is). The order was given by Lt. Col. V. A. Zasypkin, head of the 78th police station.

Koza was taken to police station No. 78 (Chehova Street, 15), whereas baby Kasper and myself were sent to police station No. 28 (Marata Street, 79). In the police bus on our way there I was roughed up by two cops right in front of my son. I was handcuffed. One of the cops sat me down and then straddled me, as if he was a woman and we were making love. He then began punching me in the head and in the torso. At the same time the other cop, who had occupied the seat behind me, was choking me. He’d wrapped my arm around my neck, bending my elbow, and he was choking me with my own arm. Another policeman was clutching Kasper throughout the whole ordeal. There were many witnesses to the beating. Every detained protester on that bus saw it and they were calling for the cops to stop punching and choking me.

Upon arrival to police station No. 28, I was separated from Kasper immediately. They carried him off to another room where he remained for one and a half hours, and I have no idea what they were doing to him in that room. I was left to stand in the hallway, handcuffed. At that time I guarded by five cops who continued beating me. Barely 10 minutes later, a group of Center E (anti-extremism) operatives arrived. There were at least 7 of them. One of the agents separated from the group and approached me. “The first time wasn’t enough for you,” he told me bluntly. “Our talks and our methods have no effect on you. So keep having fun in prison. You won’t see your kid for several years now.”

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